Tracking Lobbying in Congress.
The pool
$407,679,821
The political giving of the lobbying organizations themselves.
1,847
Organizations in the pool
11,262
Bills named in filings
Giving filed by the lobbying organizations under their own names. Never fees, never client money. The organizations counted are the ones whose giving reports matched them by name, and the bills are every bill the filings name. All 8 quarters of lobbying filings and all 4 giving periods of this Congress are in.All 8 LD-2 quarters and all 4 LD-203 periods of this Congress have been filed and pulled, so nothing here is waiting on a filing deadline. The two Congresses are filed on different calendars, so no figure on this page is set against the other one.
To Republicans
$216,087,224
53.0% of the pool
To Democrats
$188,538,493
46.2% of the pool
To Independents
$3,054,105
0.75% of the pool
Every member, by age and lobbyist money
Each dot is one member. A hollow dot received none on record.
Hover any dot to read it. Tap a dot, search a name or enter a ZIP to open that member's card here.
- The biggest single flow
- $18,871,157
- From firms that named HR 7024 to the House Committee on Ways and Means.
- The largest giver's share
- 1.0%
- Of the whole pool, from American Hospital Association.
- Members reached
- All but 10
- Reaching 275 of 280 Republicans, 265 of 270 Democrats and all 4 Independents on record.
Further right means more giving from the lobbying firms in the pool. Dollars run on a square root scale, which spreads out the many members near the left edge. A member with none on record is a filing state, not a finding. Height is age at the close of the 118th Congress, the same date for everyone. 19 members whose service ended before that day have no age on record here, so they sit on the board below and not in this chart.
- The biggest single flow: $18,871,157 from the firms that named HR 7024 to the House Committee on Ways and Means, level with that committee's ordinary share of all lobbyist giving, so what is large here is the bill and not the concentration.
- The largest giver's share: 1.0% of the whole pool comes from American Hospital Association. No organization on the board holds a larger share than that one.
- Members reached: All but 10 Reaching 275 of 280 Republicans, 265 of 270 Democrats and all 4 Independents on record.
A bill counts as measured once 5 or more firms named it in a filing and their matched giving reaches $250,000; smaller bills are left out rather than shown as zero. A flow is the giving of the firms that named one bill, set against the ordinary share of all lobbyist money that committee sees, so it is a concentration and never dollars attached to a bill. It is ONE bill and ONE committee of referral. The filings table at the foot of this page leads with whole bills instead: every committee a bill was referred to at once, which is why its top figure is a larger number of a different kind. The pair above sits inside that bill's row. A share of the pool is one organization's own political money against every organization's, both filed under their own names. A member with nothing on record is a filing state and not a finding: the board carries everyone who sat in the 118th Congress.
The payers, 2024
- From business82.1% of the total$3.85B
- From labor unions1.3% of the total$58.7M
- Everything else16.6% of the total$778.9M
The biggest sectors
- Health & Pharma
2,205 clients
$895.7M - Tech & Telecom
1,560 clients
$641.4M - Finance & Insurance
1,029 clients
$475.7M - Manufacturing & Industrial
1,139 clients
$375.7M - Energy & Utilities
1,042 clients
$374.4M
4,461 clients
Who buys lobbying in the first place, taken across every client on record for the year: how much of it is business, how much is labor, and which sectors spend the most.
All federal lobbying spend reported for 2024, every client on record, $4.69B in all. It is a different pool of money from the giving above.
Business here means companies and business groups together, every sector except labor, advocacy and the unclassified residue. This is what clients paid to lobby across 2024, a different disclosure system from the pool above, which is the political giving of the lobbying organizations themselves. The two are never added together. Advocacy is 2 sectors of the list above, Leadership & Ideological and Pro-Israel, and they account for $13.2M between them; none of that is inside the business figure. Not yet classified is the spend our sector rules did not reach; it includes cross-industry federations such as the Chamber of Commerce, which have no single sector to wear. The count under each row is how many clients filed that spend, which is what separates a sector of a few giants from a sector of many payers.
The receivers
Democrats
- $3.4M
1 · Senate · PA
Robert P. Casey, Jr.
- $3.3M
3 · Senate · MT
Jon Tester
Republicans
The members that giving reached, ranked inside their own party rather than against each other and never across the aisle. Everyone who sat in the 118th Congress is on the board.
Sinema $1.3M, King $1.2M, Manchin $385K, Sanders $92K. Their dots sit in the chart above and their dollars in the pool.
Everyone who sat in the 118th Congress appears, ranked inside their own party against one money pool. It tracks power rather than a party: leadership and the committee chairs lead in both. A member with nothing on record is a filing state, not a finding.
Whose giving this is
- 1 · 80 bills namedAmerican Hospital Association$4.2M
- 2 · 41 bills namedNational Association of Realtors$3.9M
- 3 · 55 bills namedAmerican Israel Public Affairs Committee$3.4M
- 4 · 24 bills namedNational Beer Wholesalers Association$3.4M
- 5 · 97 bills namedAmerican Bankers Association$3.2M
The board holds the 25 organizations with the most giving on record. One organization counted once, however many bills it named.
The firms are the lobbying operations that file the work, in-house teams and hired firms alike, and their own political giving is the pool this page follows. The clients are the organizations that pay them to work the bills. What a client pays is a separate disclosure, and the two are never added together.
Who hires the firms
- 1 · 386 measured billsChamber of Commerce of the U.S.A.$74.5M
- 2 · 177 measured billsAmerican Medical Association$24.3M
- 3 · 174 measured billsAARP$19.9M
- 4 · 152 measured billsNational Association of Pediatric Nurse Practitionersnone on record
- 5 · 151 measured billsNational Treasury Employees Unionnone on record
The board holds the 100 clients that hired lobbyists on the most measured bills, ordered by that count or by their lobby spend, whichever is selected. The money is what that client paid to lobby across 2024, all issues combined, from its own LD-2 filings. It is a different disclosure from the pool this page follows and the two are never added together. Where a client shows none on record, no 2024 spend matched its name: 31 of the 100 names here matched one, because the 2024 rollup prices the year's biggest hirers rather than every client on record.
Where a payer and a receiver share a page
Bills far above the usual share
Every measured bill
16 bills, 118th Congress (loading all 2,867 bill and committee pairs…) · each figure is what reached the committees the bill went to
Level with its ordinary share unless marked
A lobbying filing names the bills it covers. That filing is the one document both sides of the spread appear in together, so it is where this ledger closes. The filings name 11,262 bills in all, and the 2,049 below are the ones that clear this page's own bar for measurement. One row per bill, led by every committee it was referred to at once, with the rooms behind it a tap away.
The biggest single flows into one committee that also ran at least twice that committee's ordinary share of all lobbyist money: big and far above the usual, not merely big. A flow is one bill and one committee, so its figure can differ from the same bill's row below, which adds every committee the bill was referred to. A high multiple is a reason to read closer, not a verdict.
One row per bill, totalled across its committees of referral with every member counted once. A multiple is the giving that reached the committee against that committee's ordinary share of all lobbyist money; a high multiple is a reason to read closer, not a verdict.
Foreign agents in Washington (FARA)
410 foreign principals from 115 countries had a registration active in this window, served by 300 American registrants.
- 1 · Through 31 American firmsJapan34 principals
- 2 · Through 20 American firmsSaudi Arabia25 principals
- 3 · Through 17 American firmsQatar17 principals
- 4 · Through 16 American firmsSouth Korea17 principals
- 5 · Through 13 American firmsUnited Arab Emirates13 principals
A foreign agents registration names the foreign principal an American firm has agreed to represent. The lobbying filings on this page are made under the Lobbying Disclosure Act, by Americans lobbying their own government; a registration under the Foreign Agents Registration Act is a separate filing under a separate law, and it is the register of who speaks for a foreign principal in Washington.
Foreign principals with an American agent registered on their behalf at some point in this window, January 2023 to January 2025. Registration is presence and not spending: this file carries no dollars, and foreign nationals cannot give to campaigns. A registration under the Foreign Agents Registration Act is counted if it was live at any point between the two ends of the window, so a principal that registered before this Congress and stayed on is here, and one that ended inside it is too. A principal is the foreign party being represented and a registrant is the American firm or person representing them, so one firm can appear against several countries. Five active principals are filed against something that is not a country: an international body or a blank, and they are counted here rather than placed on a row. A country on this list is a country whose government, party or company has an American agent on the record, and that is the whole of what a row says: no number here is money, and none of it is set against anything else on the page.
- Not a list of positions. The filings carry no support or oppose field. A firm on a bill may want it passed, killed, or amended.
- Not proof of influence. A flow shows that firms' giving reached a committee's members, not that the money changed a vote.
- Not per-bill dollars. The giving spans the whole period and is never attached to any one measure. No number here is what a bill cost.
- Not client spend. What a client pays its lobbyists and what a firm gives to members are two different disclosures, never added together.
- Not a total. A firm reaches a bill only by naming it in free text, so every count is a floor, and a bill with no row has not been shown to be unlobbied.
- Not resolved entities. Names are as the filer typed them. One firm can appear under several spellings, and counting names is counting strings.
Senate Office of Public Records LD-2 quarterly activity reports and LD-203 contribution reports; committee of referral from the Library of Congress bill status records; committee rosters and the member list for the 118th Congress from this site's own data. The roster is everyone who sat in the 118th Congress, party as of their last day in it, and every age on the chart is age at the close of the 118th Congress. Bills with fewer than 5 filing registrants, or under $250,000 of matched giving, are not measured. Generated September 25, 2026. For who funds each member's campaigns, see Financing.