Representative, Ohio, District 4
Jim Jordan
Republican. In Congress since 2007. Age 62. Term ends January 2027.
On the ballot November 3, 2026.
Raised: campaign receipts in the 2023-2024 cycle, from FEC filings. Stock trades: every trade disclosed on a periodic report, ranked against the House. Floor votes: the roll calls Curia has recorded for Jordan on the bills it reads in plain language, including rolls they missed. Bills written: measures Jordan sponsored in the 119th Congress. The median is the middle sitting member of the House.
Campaign money
Receipts in the 2023-2024 cycle
- Small donors
- 55%$7.4M
- Large donors
- 34%$4.6M
- Bundled
- <1%$32K
- PACs
- 3%$0.4M
- Other
- 8%$1.0M
- The median House memberShare raised from small donors
- 5%
- PAC and bundled moneyFrom every organization on file
- $480K
Stock trades
Disclosed on periodic reports, by year
- Trades in FinancialsThe sector traded most
- 1
- Assets disclosedOn the 2025 annual filing
- $258K to $845K
Votes
Floor votes on the bills Curia reads, newest first
H.R. 5334, Sep 16, 2026
Lindsey O. Graham Sanctioning Russia and Iran Act of 2026
YesBecame LawBundled
Bills written
As sponsor in the 119th Congress, latest step first
H.Res. 86
In committee, Jan 31, 2025
Issues
With Republican voters on 2 of 10 polled measures
Cosponsored or voted for
- 2 of 8
- 3 of 5
- 2 of 11
- 5 of 10
- 3 of 13
The polled measures are the key bills behind the issues Americans care about most, where a poll shows what each party’s voters want. A row counts Jordan’s floor vote where one exists and cosponsorship otherwise, on the measures the House can act on. No recorded action is not opposition. Each issue opens in the Issues lens with every bill and how both parties split.
Jordan among the House
Jordan votes further right than 94% of the House.
Source: DW-NOMINATE, Voteview at UCLA, 119th Congress
Each mark is one of the 437 representatives sitting today, placed by how often they vote with each other rather than by anything we think of them. DW-NOMINATE, the standard academic measure, computed by Voteview at UCLA over the 119th Congress and read here as of August 2026. It is built only from recorded votes: 529 of them for Jordan. It says who votes together, not who is right.
Committees
In the 119th Congress
- Oversight and Government Reform
- JudiciaryChair
Voting in Ohio
General election
November 3, 2026
Register 30 days before the election.
Reach Jordan’s office
- Office phone202-225-2676
- Official websitejordan.house.gov
- Washington office2056 Rayburn House Office Building Washington DC 20515-3504
A staffed line and the official website; members do not publish direct numbers.
Cosponsored or voted for 2 of the 10 measures their own party’s voters want.
How the grade works, and where everyone stands →BCosponsored or voted for 2 of the 10 measures their own party’s voters want.
How the grade works, and where everyone stands →Curia grade
No documented cosponsorship of the 6 reforms with a current bill
Bioguide ID J000289. Member data: unitedstates/congress-legislators. Headshot: unitedstates/images.
Campaign money
Raised, 2023-2024 cycle
$13.4M
- Cash on handAt the end of the 2023-2024 cycle
- $7.5M
55% of the money Jordan raised came from small donors.
- Small donors
- 55%
- $7.4M
- Large donors
- 34%
- $4.6M
- Bundled
- <1%
- $32K
- PACs
- 3%
- $0.4M
- Other
- 8%
- $1.0M
Everything that is not small-donor, large-donor, or PAC money. Mostly the candidate’s own money, party committee transfers, and other receipts.
Total Other
$1.0M7% of receipts
- Transfers from joint fundraising and other authorized committees
- 2%$0.2M
- Self-funding
- 0%$0
- Party committee money
- 0%$0
- Refunds, offsets, miscellaneous
- 6%$0.8M
FEC-disclosed receipts for the 2023-2024 cycle. “Small” means contributions from donors who gave $200 or less in total, which the FEC does not require to be itemized.
This is the disclosed money only. Spending by outside groups that do not reveal their donors, the dark money that set a record in 2024, never appears in these figures.
Every percentage here is a share of all receipts, not of individual contributions only. So the small-donor share counts transfers, loans and other money in its base, and reads lower than figures that divide only by individual money.
FEC filings read November 1, 2026.
Against the House median
- Small-donor share
- 55%vs 5% House median
- PAC share
- 3%vs 37% House median
PACs and bundled gifts
2023-2024 cycle, largest first.
An organization reaches a member two ways. Its own PAC writes a direct check. And it bundles: it gathers individual donations from its supporters and routes them through its conduit. Both count here as one “organized” total. The bundled part is already inside the individual giving shown in the funding mix above. Here it is regrouped by the organization that gathered it, so you can see who did the organizing.
Money an organization gave through its PAC or bundled from its people to Jordan’s campaign, the 2023-2024 cycle, largest first. Showing the top 15 of 96 organizations with a stake. Source: FEC filings, as of November 2026.
Industries
Organized money, by the industry of the group that gave it
$450Korganized, every industry below
- Leadership & Ideological20%$89K
- Tech & Telecom12%$54K
- Finance & Insurance10%$45K
- Health & Pharma7%$31K
- Retail & Consumer7%$31K
Each organization is grouped by industry from its FEC name, which is approximate. This is the same organized money as the list above, regrouped by industry.
PAC figures are contributions to Jordan’s campaign committee from FEC filings. Industry labels are grouped from each committee’s name and are approximate. Joint fundraising committees and small-dollar conduits like ActBlue and WinRed are not counted.
Outside spending
- Mission Democracy PAC$9K$9K
- Bluewaveamerica$5K$200$5K
- National Right to Life Victory Fund$2K$2K
All outside groups: to elect $7K, to defeat $14K, total $21K32% to help, 68% to hurt
Outside groups also spend on their own to elect or defeat Jordan, running ads for or against the race. This money never passes through the campaign, so it is counted apart from the money organized for Jordan. Whether a dollar supported or opposed Jordan is the group’s own filing, never our reading.
The colour names the side the money helps: spending to elect Jordan helps Jordan’s party, and spending to defeat Jordan helps the other side. The totals cover every group that spent; the list shows the largest.
Trips paid by others
Since 2020
- Aug 26, 2026, staffNew York, NY
Paid by Conservative Partnership Institute
- Aug 23, 2026, staffPalo Alto, CA
Paid by Stanford University
- Jul 26, 2026, staffUnited Kingdom
Paid by Global Women's Innovation Network (GlobalWIN)
- Jul 8, 2026, staffNew York, NY
Paid by Software.org
- Jun 21, 2026, staffCambridge, MD
Paid by Congressional Institute
Travel a private sponsor paid for, filed by Jordan’s office with the House or Senate ethics office, by Jordan or by staff. Newest first.
Dark money disclosure
84%
Support for the question asked
Congress has not passed the DISCLOSE Act.
Voters asked: A law that requires all organizations that spend money on federal campaigns to disclose their major donors and requires online political ads to say who paid for them
Cite this page
The citation names the source data used for this record.
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Where Jordan's campaign money comes from: small donors, large donors, and PACs.
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Bioguide ID J000289. Member data: unitedstates/congress-legislators. Headshot: unitedstates/images.
Stock trades
More active than 58% of the House.
Most members disclose no trades, so a few trades rank high.
Buys vs. sells
0% bought · 100% sold
Disclosed trades
1
ranked 169 of 439
Filed late
100%
1 past the 45-day window
Est. volume
$75K
midpoint estimate
Periodic transaction reports, which the STOCK Act asks for within 45 days of most trades in individual stocks and bonds. Trades in qualifying funds are reported only once a year, on the annual disclosure, and are not counted here. Filed late counts trades reported more than 45 days after the trade.
255 of the 439 representatives disclose no individual-stock trades at all, so even a handful of trades ranks above them.
Trades by year
Disclosed on periodic reports, by the year of the trade
Source: House Clerk and Senate periodic transaction reports
Sectors
- Financials100%1
Each trade is counted once, in its company’s sector. Counts are exact; disclosed amounts are ranges, so no dollar totals are shown by sector.
Committee overlap
None of Jordan’s trades are filed as Jordan’s own, so there is nothing here to test.
No apparent conflicts are shown here. The flag tests only the trades a filing marks as the member’s own. None of Jordan’s disclosed trades are coded that way. They are attributed to a spouse, held jointly, or left unspecified, so there is nothing here to test. This is a limit of the disclosure record, not a finding of no conflict.
Disclosed trades
The one trade report Jordan has filed with the House Clerk since 2024 is read here. Amounts are ranges, never exact; every row links to the official filing.
Cite this page
The citation names the source data used for this record.
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Jordan's disclosed stock-trading record: how many trades, how much volume, and whether any fall in an industry their committees oversee.
Every card is generated from today's data and carries its source. Take it and post it. You do not need to credit Project Curia. The card already does.
Bioguide ID J000289. Member data: unitedstates/congress-legislators. Headshot: unitedstates/images.
Income beyond salary
Each figure is at least what the forms allow.
Average a year
$12,068
13 of 19 years counted
Latest year, 2025
$17,706
Median member, a year
$43,061
of 485 members
By year
The least each year’s forms allow, 2007 to 2025
Each column is one counted year, drawn at its floor: the smallest amount the form allows, so the true figure is this much or more. The mint column is the latest counted year. A dashed outline is a year in office that is not counted, never a zero.
Net worth
Disclosed assets and liabilities, each as the range Jordan’s 2025 annual filing allows, never netted.
Disclosed assets
$258K to $845K
as ranges on 19 line items, plus 5 without a dollar value
Disclosed liabilities
None disclosed
none reported on this filing
The average adds each counted year’s smallest possible amount beyond salary and divides by the years counted. A year not counted is left out, never counted as zero. Outside pay is exact; investment income is reported in ranges and counts at least its lowest end. The typical member is the median of the 485 members’ own yearly averages. Joint, spouse and dependent holdings stay combined as filed. Tax-deferred accounts alone give no income amount.
The annual rate set by law for the latest year in office: $174,000. A first year is paid by days, so it is smaller. Salary is separate from every figure beyond it.
These are the lower and upper bounds of the ranges on the filing, not a market valuation. Assets and liabilities are shown separately and are never netted into a net worth. How these bands are read
Annual financial disclosure reports filed with the Clerk of the House and the Secretary of the Senate; salary from the Congressional Research Service (97-1011).
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Where Jordan's campaign money comes from: small donors, large donors, and PACs.
Every card is generated from today's data and carries its source. Take it and post it. You do not need to credit Project Curia. The card already does.
Bioguide ID J000289. Member data: unitedstates/congress-legislators. Headshot: unitedstates/images.
The votes Jordan cast on the bills this site reads and writes up, not every roll call the chamber took. A position is the member’s own recorded vote on that bill’s passage. Broke with party marks a vote cast against the majority of Jordan’s own party; it is never set for a vote of present, a missed vote, an independent, or a party evenly split. Each party’s bar fills with the share of its members who voted yea, beside its yea and nay count. A not voting mark means Jordan was not recorded on that roll call. Members miss votes for many reasons, from travel to illness to leadership duties.
House Clerk and Senate roll call records, joined to the bills this site decodes. Every row opens to a plain summary of the bill, a link to where every member stood, and the bill on Congress.gov.
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Where Jordan broke with their party on a tracked vote. Pick a vote from the five most recent.
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Bioguide ID J000289. Member data: unitedstates/congress-legislators. Headshot: unitedstates/images.
Measures Jordan sponsored
Introduced in the 119th Congress, latest stage date first.
- H.Res. 86
Referred · House Committee on House Administration
Jan 31, 2025
The sponsor is the member who introduced the measure, a different act from cosponsoring somebody else’s. A resolution that its chamber, or both chambers, agreed to has finished its process and is filed under Adopted.
Where the stage and place are the same for the rows shown, a row gives the number of members listed as cosponsors of the measure in the same bulk data instead.
The stage on each measure is the furthest point the record states it reached, and the date is when it reached it. A measure that stops at a stage has not necessarily ended: text is regularly folded into another vehicle that moves on under a different number, and the record against this number simply stops being written. Nothing here counts, names or ranks what did not happen.
Committee stages come from dated committee activities. Passage, presentation and veto stages come from the measure’s own actions; law records identify enactment. The date beside the bill number belongs to the stage shown below.
Source: govinfo BILLSTATUS bulk data for the 119th Congress, as of 2026-10-31, with the sponsor of record from the same bulk data and committee names from the House and Senate committee rosters. Download this list as JSON, the sponsorship and stage record, free to reuse under CC BY 4.0 with attribution.
Lobbying on Jordan’s bills
No lobbying filing names a bill Jordan wrote, in the quarters read so far.
Sponsored and cosponsored
24 measures in the 119th Congress: 1 sponsored, 23 cosponsored.
Cosponsoring puts a member’s name on a text. It is a public position, not a vote, and not a promise of one.
Most cosponsorships are signed when the measure is introduced; a row says so only when the name was added later, or withdrawn.
A policy area that does not appear here is one Jordan has not put a name on in this Congress. That is silence, not opposition, and it is left blank rather than counted.
The Library of Congress files each measure under one policy area; the shares cover the 24 of 24 measures on this record that carry one. It adds finer legislative subjects to only part of the corpus: the subjects cover 14 of 24, and show the 10 most common of 50.
Source: govinfo BILLSTATUS bulk data for the 119th Congress, rows from January 31, 2025 to October 26, 2026. Archives downloaded October 31, 2026. Newest source record by type: HCONRES 2026-10-30; HJRES 2026-10-31; HR 2026-10-31; HRES 2026-10-31; S 2026-10-31; SCONRES 2026-10-29; SJRES 2026-10-29; SRES 2026-10-31.
The 10 most common of 50 subjects, on the 14 of 24 measures the Library labels in detail.
- Congressional tributes5
- Government buildings, facilities, and property3
- Ohio3
- Postal service3
- Museums, exhibitions, cultural centers2
- State and local government operations2
- Terrorism2
- U.S. history2
- Abortion1
- Administrative law and regulatory procedures1
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One reform at a time
Where Jordan stands on the six reforms with a current bill. Prior matching cosponsorships are included.
Each card pairs a single reform with what Jordan's own party's voters say about it. A filled dot means Jordan cosponsored a bill. An open dot means no public position, which is not a vote against.
Every card is generated from today's data and carries its source. Take it and post it. You do not need to credit Project Curia. The card already does.
Bioguide ID J000289. Member data: unitedstates/congress-legislators. Headshot: unitedstates/images.
Jordan on the issues
Cosponsored or voted for
Not on record unless marked
- Voted no
Extend ACA Subsidies Three Years
Extends the enhanced Affordable Care Act premium tax credits through 2028. Monthly premiums stay lower for people who buy their own coverage on the marketplace.
Share of each party voting yes
Democrats 100%, Republicans 8%. Share of each party voting yes. - Voted yes
Market-Based Premium Relief
The House Republicans' health package. It expands association health plans, lets employers fund workers' own coverage, funds ACA cost-sharing payments, and adds PBM transparency rules. It does not extend the enhanced subsidies.
Share of each party voting yes
Democrats 0%, Republicans >99%. Share of each party voting yes. Make ACA Subsidies Permanent
Makes the enhanced ACA premium tax credits permanent. More people qualify for marketplace subsidies, and the subsidies stay larger, for good.
Cosponsored it, share of today’s members
Democrats 74%, Republicans 0%. Cosponsored it, share of today’s members.Rein In Drug Middlemen
Reins in the pharmacy benefit managers who sit between drugmakers and pharmacies. It curbs tactics like “spread pricing,” requires PBMs to pass manufacturer rebates through to health plans, and unlinks their pay from a drug's list price.
Cosponsored it, share of today’s members
Democrats 14%, Republicans 19%. Cosponsored it, share of today’s members.Health Care Price Transparency
Writes hospital and insurer price-transparency rules into law. Hospitals, insurers, labs, imaging providers, and surgery centers would have to post the actual prices they charge, so patients can compare.
Cosponsored it, share of today’s members
Democrats <1%, Republicans <1%. Cosponsored it, share of today’s members.
1 to 5 of 93 more measures exist only in the Senate, so they are not shown here.
How Jordan has acted on the key bills behind the issues Americans care about most: a floor vote where one exists, and cosponsorship otherwise. Only measures the House can act on are counted. Open an issue to see each bill, Jordan’s position on it and how both parties split. No recorded action is not opposition.
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Measures a majority of Republican voters want and Jordan has not cosponsored or voted for; pick one.
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Bioguide ID J000289. Member data: unitedstates/congress-legislators. Headshot: unitedstates/images.
Jordan on reform
No documented cosponsorship of the 6 reforms with a current bill. The seventh has no bill this Congress and is not counted. Not on record is not opposition.
Not on record unless marked
- Voters in favor of the question asked: Democrats 84%, Republicans 75%, Independents 81%
Verasight for the Brennan Center for Justice (an advocacy organization), Apr-May 2026
Voters asked: A constitutional amendment establishing that the federal and state governments may regulate and limit contributions to campaigns and campaign spending, including by placing greater limits on corporations than on individuals
- Voters in favor of the question asked: Democrats 88%, Republicans 85%, Independents 84%
Verasight for the Brennan Center for Justice (an advocacy organization), Apr-May 2026
Voters asked: A law that requires all organizations that spend money on federal campaigns to disclose their major donors and requires online political ads to say who paid for them
- Voters in favor of the question asked: Democrats 79%, Republicans 65%, Independents 70%
Emerson College / RealClear, commissioned by Unite America (an advocacy organization), Jan 2026
Voters asked: States should be required to hold open primaries where all voters can participate regardless of party registration.
- Voters in favor of the question asked: Democrats 76%, Republicans 57%, Independents 72%
Noble Predictive Insights for Common Cause (an advocacy organization), Sept 2025
Voters asked: Do you think it is good or bad for the country when one political party controls how voting districts are drawn?
- Voters in favor of the question asked: Democrats 88%, Republicans 87%, Independents 81%
U. of Maryland PPC, May 2023
Voters asked: Prohibit Members of Congress (in the House and Senate) and the family that lives with them, from trading stocks in individual companies. They would still be allowed to buy or sell shares of mutual funds or index funds that include stocks in numerous companies. In conclusion, do you favor or oppose this proposal?
- Voters in favor of the question asked: Democrats 67%, Republicans 65%, Independents not reported
U. of Maryland PPC, June 2022
Voters asked: Extend the period former Members of Congress must wait before lobbying Congress to five years.
- Voters in favor of the question asked: Democrats 74%, Republicans 71%, Independents not reported
U. of Maryland PPC, June 2022
Voters asked: Ban former senior Executive Branch officials from lobbying on behalf of a foreign government for the rest of their life.
Each marked row names what the member did: sponsored or cosponsored a bill carrying the reform, signed a discharge petition to force one to the floor, or cosponsored a prior version in a previous Congress while still serving today. Not on record means there is no documented signal. The member may still support or oppose; we have no evidence either way. Floor votes are not yet wired in, so nobody is marked Opposes.
Several reforms have bills carried almost entirely by one party. That makes the headline percentage a measure of cosponsorship on these specific bills, not a measure of underlying agreement with the reform. A 0% figure for one party often means “has not cosponsored this vehicle,” not “opposes the reform.”
A matching prior Congress cosponsorship also counts. No documented cosponsorship is not opposition.
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One reform at a time
Where Jordan stands on the six reforms with a current bill. Prior matching cosponsorships are included.
Each card pairs a single reform with what Jordan's own party's voters say about it. A filled dot means Jordan cosponsored a bill. An open dot means no public position, which is not a vote against.
Every card is generated from today's data and carries its source. Take it and post it. You do not need to credit Project Curia. The card already does.
Bioguide ID J000289. Member data: unitedstates/congress-legislators. Headshot: unitedstates/images.